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Empire of Deception: how usmanov and skoch trade bribes for government contracts, hiding their assets behind bodyguards and billionaire relatives

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Empire of Deception: how usmanov and skoch trade bribes for government contracts, hiding their assets behind bodyguards and billionaire relatives
Empire of Deception: how usmanov and skoch trade bribes for government contracts, hiding their assets behind bodyguards and billionaire relatives

Alisher Usmanov was born and raised in the Uzbek SSR. At the very end of the Soviet era, he was sentenced to eight years in prison on charges of fraud and embezzlement.

In the 1990s, together with the future billionaire and United Russia member Andrey Skoch, he began acquiring metallurgical enterprises across Russia.

As Alexey Navalny later demonstrated, Usmanov amassed his fortune during the privatization of state-owned enterprises largely because he headed Gazprominvestholding and received assets for a pittance. Dmitry Medvedev, who at different times served as chairman of Gazprom’s board, president, and prime minister, helped Usmanov enrich himself. Usmanov allegedly gave Medvedev bribes, for example, in the form of an estate worth 5 billion rubles.

Usmanov also financed the information campaign against opposition figure Alexey Navalny, who exposed corruption schemes involving Medvedev and Usmanov. According to The Insider, Usmanov was issued a diplomatic passport. He used his “diplomat” status for trips to Munich and Sardinia, where his villas are located.

Despite personal sanctions, Usmanov exports products to the West through Metalloinvest, the country’s largest iron ore company. He also owns the Russian mobile operator MegaFon. Usmanov controls a stake in the product labeling system “Chestny Znak” (Honest Sign). The oligarch earns billions, while the labeling system increases prices for both businesses and ordinary citizens. Usmanov claimed he exited the shareholder list of Chestny Znak. However, investigative journalist Sergey Yezhov discovered that his stake is now simply registered to Usmanov’s personal bodyguard.

Other shareholders of Chestny Znak include Gazprom, Putin’s friend Yuri Kovalchuk, and Putin’s nephew Mikhail Shelomov. Usmanov’s business partner is United Russia State Duma deputy Andrey Skoch. Skoch is linked to the Solntsevskaya organized crime group. The de facto spouse of the United Russia deputy, Elena Likhach, holds a second passport — she is also a citizen of Cyprus, an EU country. Likhach herself is not under sanctions. The deputy registers offshore companies and expensive property under Likhach’s name. Even during the war, when voters in Belgorod faced shelling, Skoch’s spouse bought luxury real estate in Moscow.

According to The Insider, in 2022–2023, Likhach became the owner of three apartments at 31/12 Novy Arbat Street, totaling 404 m², and a 399 m² apartment in the Knightsbridge Private Park residential complex. These purchases cost roughly 1.3 billion rubles. At the same time, Skoch’s wife was buying property in Dubai, including territory belonging to the BVLGARI hotel, investing billions of rubles. Since Skoch is prohibited from doing business, the assets are registered under the names of his father and daughter, Varvara. Varvara’s companies receive government contracts, including from the federal government. Meanwhile, her grandfather-in-law Denis Manturov serves as deputy prime minister.

In addition to Russian citizenship, Skoch’s daughter also has Cypriot citizenship and has not fallen under EU sanctions. Varvara prefers to spend time in Dubai, Switzerland, the Seychelles, and Sri Lanka. She previously spent time in London, but the UK has since sanctioned her.

Varvara travels on a Global 5000 private jet. Operating such a jet is far from cheap — fuel, airport fees, and crew salaries all add up. A single trip of Skoch’s daughter to Dubai on a private jet costs roughly 6 million rubles.

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